Class struggle is exerting of the power of opposing fundamental social classes against each other . Within capitalist society there are two social classes of workers and capitalists who determine the two opposing poles of this struggle , and the labor movement is therefore fundamentally an anti-capitalist movement , but this movement is constantly and from all sides exposed to being thrown out of the circle of the class struggle and falling into the abyss of reformist strategies and solutions . The dominance of bourgeois thoughts, analysis and strategies in capitalist society is one of the most important grounds for the occurrence of these slips . These thoughts and horizons of insights are not usually confined to what the bourgeoisie and the intellectual and political representatives of this class formally formulate , and parts of the bourgeoisie and its political representatives are in opposition position . These tendencies and the oppositions follow their own strategies , criteria , and principles for planning the productive , political and social order of the mode of capitalist production . One of the most obvious and common features of all these oppositions is that they go straight to refer the working class to advance their goals and to change the fate of the competition in their own favor , and trying with all the facilities they have to turn content of their pretending opposition into a platform of protest among the working masses , and beyond this by misguidance to divert the whole class forces of the proletariat in favor of their bourgeois camp . Different forms of bourgeois socialism from the camp socialism to the Trotskyist , Maoist , Anarchist , Anarcho-syndicalist , Leftist reformism and very diverse forms of democratic critique of the former Soviet camp , each of them has done this historically . All of them have played a role in diverting the class struggle of proletariat from the real axis of the anti wage-labor campaign . Syndicalist reformism, from time immemorial to the present day, as the covenant of consensus of this whole spectrum, has been a destructive misguiding factor among the working masses in favor of the capitalist system . Furious dictatorship of capital in the widest part of the world on the one hand and the existence of the above mentioned social-bourgeois tendencies and strategies on the other hand in addition to what we mentioned above , all of these have joined hands and have imposed the current catastrophic situation on the working class movement . The labor movement , under the pressure of this united oppositions from all sides , has failed to focus on the real axis of an anti-capitalist struggle and instead of the radical challenge of the wage slavery system , has tied the shackles of being a slave for capital survival into its existence . In a large part of the world , this movement has reteated to the level of following the conflict of the various factions of capital and the bourgeoisie . The class struggle of the proletariat against capital has a specific concrete content . Not every battle on the working masses with capital is necessarily a manifestation of a class and anti-capitalist struggle . Let us not forget that any level of workers´ struggle can be anti-wage labor but it can also not be anti-wage labor . the line between the anti-capitalist approach of the proletariat on the one hand and syndicalist reformism and the various forms of bourgeois socialism on the other hand are also defined here . The first one is that the labor movement is fundamentally anti-capitalist and any protest , rebellion and activism of the workers can and must be based on the trench of approach anti-wage labor , and advance in this direction , being organized and informed , and take its steps with the compass of abolishing wage-labor and make its class ossification stronger at every step and continue this path until the final war with capital . The second , the right and left-wing reformism , consists of the broad spectrum of forces mentioned above , propagate and practice the opposite . In the meantime it is very important to persist on the indicators of fundamental distinctions of the class struggle of proletariat or the movement against wage-labor of the working class . The theme of this movement is the exertion of proletarian class power against the structural process of capital and the structure of the production , political and social order and the process of surplus-value producing . If in the capitalist system , the principle is the capital relation that determines the starting point and reference point of everything , in the class struggle of the proletariat , too , the principle is being struggling against the basis of wage labor which should be the real center of all the moves and activities , and the starting and referencing point of all the challenges . The exertion of class power against wage labor has a concrete practical theme and it means that every struggle of the working masses against any degree of exploitation and oppression or deprivation of rights due to the existence of the capitalist system , at the same time play the role of a link in the chain of the nationwide struggle of the working class against the basis of wage labor . The labor movement has this capacity in its existential reality and the course of the struggles of the working masses can and should be accompanied by this index . The worker is on the opposite side of capital according to the conditions of their life , work and social existence , because she or he is selling of labor force . The greater profit of capital depends on the cheaper price of labor force and extra surplus value of capital requires a deeper intensification of worker´s exploitation . All the interests of worker and capital revolve around class conflict . This is what it means at the same time that the approach of compromised reformism is suchlike a captivation chain that is locked on the hands of the labor movement . Just as , for example , an incurable disease can completely impair or even stop a person´s pgysical and mental development and finally takes the person´s life . the right-wing syndicalist reformism and left-wing bourgeois solutions , including all claims of the existing parties and currents of the left-wing to deceive the working class , they all play the role of the same disease . All of these have laid the foundation stone of their own existence on the denial of the labor movement´s anti-calitalist apontaneous . They need to do this because they represent , firstly , sections of the bourgeoisie and they see the acceptance of the spontaneous anti-capitalist movement of the working class to their own detriment . Secondly , they have their own narration for planning the productive , political and civil order of capitalism and have called this planning as socialism and communism . Thirdly , in order to replace the existing planning of work and capitalist production with their desired form so they need to use the working masses as an instrument . Fourthly , they consider the separation of this social class from its anti-capitalist organizing as a necessary condition for the durability and strength of their power bases in the event of possible victory and achieving a place in the state machine of capital . For all these reasons , these currents deny the spontaneous anti-capitalist foundation of the labor movement . In a word , the denial of the spontaneous anti-capitalist reality of class struggle of the working masses is a dialogue that has been imposed on the labor movement by right and left-wing reformism , whereas , this movement , in its truly dynamic process , has all the necessary capacities to adapt the process of the daily struggle against the severity of exploitation and oppression of capital with a class strategy against wage labor . When the working masses, in the struggle against the low level of price of labor force , demand that the level of wages be tied to the annual social product of production of the working class , in practice they target the process of surplus-value production of capital . The reason for this is clear . Development of accumulation and self-expansion is an intrinsic indicator of capital . Capita in the process of reproduction must constantly respond to its development requirements . When workers , in the struggle to raise wages , target the social product axis of labor and production , the needs and requirements of the process of value-added and accumulation development are getting attacked by the workers . The struggle for wages , with this approach and the theme of whatever degree of victory it achieves , has played a role in disrupting the process of capital reproduction and has weakened the position of capital in the face of the anti-wage struggle of the workers . It´s quite appropriate to say that the working masses see no reason in the process of their daily struggle to refer to the social product of their work and production . Basically , they don´t understand the meaning of this phrase correctly and don´t even consider it their problem . The wholle point of their problem is the low wages and the inadequacy of their labor force´s price to provide for daily livelihood and for this reason , they make the elimination of this shortage and inadequacy the subject of their daily struggle .The form of the above statement about the current struggles of the working masses while reflecting some corners of the facts but it´s fundamentally demagogic . In the capitalist system it cannot be summed up the whole problem of the working masses in the imbalance between wages and the prices of the commodities they need . Moreover , the limits of the living needs and welfare expectations of the workers haven´t been set by themselves anywhere , but on the contrary , it´s the capitalists and their government who create and set up this boundary lines and smash the passage of the working masses across these lines with army and military arsenals or through trade unions and institutions of the civil and social order of capital . This argument only intersects with reality somewhere that workers in general , and especially at the low level of consciousness and the weak position of their class movement , they don´t go straight to the statistical calculations of the product by own labor force and production in order to increase wages . Because the thoughts that dominate the atmosphere of their thought , life and work , has blocked the path of this type of searches for the working masses . This is all the top and bottom of the truth of the above claim , but the depth and scope of its inaccuracies is really limitless . First of all , it depicts the nature of capitalism mode of production upside down , and it’s the ugliest lie in history to say that capitalism is able to continually adapt the necessities of surplus-value producing and self-expansion of capital to solving the living problems of workers, even at the lowest possible level , at the same time . There´s a lot of analysis and obvious facts in front of our eyes to prove this claim to be false , but the existence of 3 billion hungry and dying inhabitants is more explicit and objective than any other argument in this regard . The working masses don´t take action to investigate the calculation of the products made by their own labor force in front of capital owners when they struggle to raise wages . But they want life , well-being and the guarantee of lielihood and human rights , they also hate war and crime , social discrimination and the existence of classes , while they´re very unhappy that have no influence and no right to interfere in the faye of their work and life . These expectations , contrary to dissatisfactions , haven´t been set any point as their end point . The scope and range of each of them starts from obedience to the lowest level of life in the capitalist hell and it can continue until the complete abolition of wage labor and beginning of the counncil socialist society . The role of consciou and the elements of consciousness withing the labor movement is also discussed here . It´s along these expectations and protests that the realm of conscious elements of the approach to abolishing wage-labor opens up into the realm of movement . Linking the level of wages with the product of labor and the annual social production of the working masses in this passage and hence and it gives this contented struggle a massive line-up of content and anti wage-labor direction . There´s no doubt that the process of making such demands an urgent subject of the current struggle by the labor movement is a function of general position of this movement in the face of capital and the special components and conditions prevailing in the current atmosphere of challenge between the two social classes , but the content of the planning , propaganda, and organizing of such a movement in the daily current struggles of the workers is certainly one of the many the distinguishing features of the anti wage-labor approach from all forms of right & left wing reformism and the whole of social-bourgeois tendencies . We talked about the possibility of linking the daily movement to raise wages with a wage-labor abolition approach . The same is true of the other demands of the working masses . When workers tie wage levels to the social product of their working class and immediately demand full wages during the unemployment period , when they will impose all the burden of unemployment on the process of value-added to capital , when they demand full payment of the wages for a domestic worker too , when they make unconditional freeing all living and welfare facilities on the agenda of their daily struggle , or when they target the principle of human dependence and when they fight against the principle of dependence of livelihood and human welfare on work and the sale of labor force and when the whole cost of a properous human life is imposed on the existence of capital and they demand a complete ban on any kind of gorvernment interference in the fate of work and struggle , the way of life and organizing and everything , and when they challenge the foundations of legality and contracualization , civilization and the legitimacy of capital with a wave of their struggles , when instead of all the conditions of surplus-value gaining and self-expansion of capital and instead of any principle , criterion and contract , legal or political , civil and social framework of capitalism they design anti-wage-labor standards and transform them into the content of their current daily struggle , yes , when the working class determines the path of the class struggle against capital from withing these stronghollds and battlefield and it´s logical that everywhere they choose the challenge against the basis of wage-labor instead of the attempt to repair and reform this system . The important question is whether it´s not possible for the locomotive of the workers´ class struggle to cross this route ? and the labor movement doesn´t have the capacity for this line-up and conscious struggle against capital ? In our view , the negative answer to this question is the denial of the foundation of revolutionary materialism and the basis of the class struggle .
Orientation of the class challenge of the proletariat against the basis of capital existence and all laws and contracts , legal and civil superstructures based on the relation of surplus-value producing and at the same time , it must and can definitely be the foundation of the economic , political and social demands of the working class in all realms of social life , it´s also the real or the most real substrate for the growth , development and maturity of class consciousness . Awareness for the bourgeoisie and the intellectual and political representatives of this class is awareness for the maintenance of the existing social order and how to respond to the essential necessities of the capitalist mode of production . The consciousness of this class is the ideological expression of what determines the basis and foundation of existing objectivity today . The bourgeoisie transforms into thought and ideology all the necessities of reproduction and self-expansion and the survival of wage-labor relations, and extends these necessities to the content of consciousness, the intellectual force, and in a word to the mechanism of its class consciousness . The bourgeois consciousness with this theme and structure , transforms all the scientific knowledge and achievements into its class scope and in order to respond to the sustainability of the process of capital accumulation and the preservation of social ultrastructures commensurate with the survival of this mode of production . The question of consciousness for the proletariat in all its aspects is the opposite of the class consciousness of the bourgeoisie . The bourgeoisie derives its conscious existence from the prepetuating the present objectivity , and the proletariat thinks about how the radical change of this objectivity and makes this change into its conscious existence .The consciousness of the working class is like the blood circulation in its class struggle , and this is where it can be seen and judged by its level , depth and degree of prefection . This means that the knowledge and cognition of the proletariat is not the principles of ideology or the foundations of scholastic thought rather , its its class-based radical act for the destruction of capitalism and replacement it with the council socialist organizing of labor and social production planning by all members of its class . We have said above that when the working masses tie their wage levels to the amount of the annual social product of their labor and production , when they demand equal pay for unemployment or domestic work with the full salary of employment courses , when workers try to impose the highest cost of living and welfare and social facilities on capital , they practically disrupt the process of reproduction and self-expansion of capital . The tying of wages and all other demands of the labor movement to the disruption of the process of capital accumulation and a radical critique of the civil and political , state , law and legislation superstructure and custom and common law , ethics, contract and everything of capitalism and all that it recounts the thoughtful and conscious autopsy that proletariat performs of the existing objectivity and system of wage slavery . The argument isn´t that all workers necessarily do this together and at the same time but it´s about the anti-capitalist movement of the proletariat . A movement that maps the axis of its struggle against capital with these expectations and makes the class anatomy of capital the means of determining the course of its class struggle . Here the consciousness is and only if it achieves its materialist and Marxian interpretation and is manifeted as the conscious existence of a social class in class alignments against wage labor . Any other interpretation of the socialist consciousness of the working class is the bourgeois inversion of this consciousness . One of the achievements of the parties of the left-wing spectrum of reformism for most of the left-wing in the twentieth century is the bourgeois distortion of this question of the class cognition of the proletariat . The concept of consciousness for left-wing reformism is not a beacon in the hands of workers to display all aspects of the existence of capital at the heart of daily struggles of the working class , it´s not like a weapon in the hands of workers to crush the fortifications of the class enemy , it´s not consciousness that strengthens the strongholds of the class war of wage slaves against capital . This knowledge and awareness is neither present nor needed in the practice of the working class´s struggle against capital , consciouness in their narration is a bunch of preaching and commandments that its learning provides them with a thriving business . These inversions provide one with a party leader position and makes ownership of these party individuals and sectarianism a communist party !!! The opposite is true of the Marxian narrative and anti wage-labor of the socialist consciousness of the proletariat . In here , the awareness is the power which is present in the trenches of the class struggle , it´s a weapon in the hands of the working masses that targets the capitalism and the best and most skilled workers fimiliar with the use of this weapon are present in the depths of the daily trenches of the workers´class struggle . Consciousness here , absolutely of the process of the movement , isn´t separable from day-to-day struggle to impose anti wage-labor demands on capital , from the active power of organizing , and from the process of preparing and equipping the masses of the working class for overthrow of the capitalist state and the final destruction of the wage-labor relation .
Naser Paydar
Agu. 2008
